We Do Not Want the Gates Closed Between Us

Communicating the Ghost Dance

In November 1890, anthropologist and conservationist George Bird Grinnell reported that tribes living in Indian Territory “frequently” received letters from “Northern Indians . . . touching on religious topics.” He noted that Northern and Southern Cheyennes, separated by a thousand miles, regularly visited “back and forth” and kept “a constant correspondence by letter” with each other. Shoshones and Northern Arapahos at the Wind River Reservation in Wyoming were sending “reports and letters . . . relative to the second coming” of Christ, which created interest among Southern Cheyennes and Arapahos. “The new Messiah excitement had taken possession” of the Cheyennes, Arapahos, and Pawnees he visited, “and fills their minds to the exclusion of everything else.” Some of the letters, Grinnell said, contained “most extravagant statements, which, however, are received by the Indians with implicit faith.” Grinnell also noticed that “a lot of letters” were being received by the Pawnees from the “Sioux,” who were “trying to get the Pawnees to unite with them.” Grinnell thought the intertribal correspondence regarding this new Ghost Dance religious movement was “one of the disadvantages, perhaps, of the Indian education.” Using skills learned in government schools, Indians were spreading information that seemed to conflict with the goals of Americanization and was outside the control of the US government.
The intertribal networks of correspondence and off-reserve visitation that formed in the 1870s and 1880s facilitated the rapid dissemination of the Ghost Dance in 1889 and 1890. By the time Grinnell noticed what was going on at the Cheyenne-Arapaho Reservation, most Native Americans in the country had already heard about the Ghost Dance, and thousands believed in its decolonizing promises to make their world better. No other religious movement reached so many Native Americans in such a short amount of time. Information was sought, gathered, and relayed across a network that spanned the continent. Some Natives defended the movement, and others criticized it, but because of the well-established networks among tribes, a set of ideas originating in the mind of a Paiute in western Nevada named Wovoka (or Jack Wilson) became part of a continental, Native-controlled conversation (with believers from southern Arizona to Saskatchewan).
The Ghost Dance movement was intentionally transmitted, via all methods of late nineteenth-century transportation and communication, among Paiutes, Hualapais, Shoshones, Bannocks, Utes, Northern and Southern Arapahos, Northern and Southern Cheyennes, Lakotas, Eastern and Western Dakotas, Kiowas, Apaches, Wichitas, Pawnees, Poncas, Crows, Mandans and Hidatsas, Blackfeet, and many others.